The often told story of the early years of Blackwood’s Magazine has next to
be repeated. It was an ill day for Lockhart when he
first put his pen at the service of a journal, which for now the term of a long human life,
has been eminently reputable and admirable. Frequently as the matter has been
“BLACKWOOD’S MAGAZINE” | 127 |
Nevertheless, on the appearance of Lockhart’s “Life of Scott,” Haydon wrote him a long epistle, complaining of his early cruelties. On Haydon’s own showing this conduct was curiously inconsistent, but his unfortunate temperament, and melancholy end, excuse much in the painter.
Lockhart replied (July 11, 1838):—“I thank you for your two letters, though the second has given me a good deal of pain. Your approbation of the ‘Life of Scott’ is valuable, and might console me for all the abuse it has called forth both on him and me. . . .
(What follows will find more appropriate place later.)
“But I cannot be indifferent to your severe though generous
reflections about my early literary escapades. You are willing to make allowances, but
allow me to say, you have not understood the
128 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
1 He had just returned from Germany. 2 A letter of Mr. Blackwood’s, to Lockhart in Germany, of August 28, 1817, gives him information as to the opposition of Constable, and the determination to begin a new series of the Magazine. Mr. Blackwood says that Wilson has promised several articles. |
LOCKHART’S REPENTANCE | 129 |
“As to yourself, I really don’t remember that I ever wrote a line against you in my life. I don’t swear that I never mentioned your name in some ludicrous juxtaposition, but even of this I have not the remotest consciousness. I knew nothing then either of London or artists living out of Scotland, and I believe when you came down with the picture of the ‘Entry into Jerusalem,’ you were received even better by the ‘Tory wags’ than by
1 After Lockhart’s death, Miss Martineau took her favourite opportunity of “a newly made grave.” “Lockhart’s satire had, then and always,” she said, “a quality of malice in it, where Wilson’s had only fun.” It is “only fun” to deride the personal manners, and the poetry, of your benefactor Scott, and your friend Wordsworth—the guest who has just left your door. “Noctes Ambrosianæ,” September 1825, and vol. iii., 89-95, 134-135. I select acknowledged examples of Wilson’s innocuous raillery. 2 The omission contains merely an unexplained reference to a distinguished person, which might be misconstrued. |
130 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
It was thus that Lockhart, under a blow which struck at his heart, the loss of his beloved wife, reviewed his early days of raillery. His pleas of youth, of association with an elder friend who should have set him a different example, and of freedom from personal malice, may be accepted even
1 Haydon’s “Autobiography” leaves no doubt on this point. 2 The rest of the letter is a vigorous remonstrance with Haydon on his own fortunes and the causes of them. |
“JOHN BULL” | 131 |
It is conspicuously apparent, from Lockhart’s letters, that he knew nothing of Leigh Hunt, nothing of Hazlitt, for example, and nothing of “Shelly,” as he then writes the name. To him they were, vaguely, the enemy, the other side, assailants of his party, and, as far as Hazlitt and Hunt were concerned, “Cockneys.” He therefore attacked them with a
1 “Theodore Hook,” p. 51, London, 1853. |
132 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
To return to Blackwood. In a matter where the chief sinners, both publicly and privately, in later years, “took blame to themselves,” an apologia cannot now be offered. This is not a case of which we may say, tout comprendre c’est tout pardonner, for all the motives could not be understood, as Lockhart frankly admitted, even immediately after the commission of one of the offences. At best we can put ourselves in the position of the culprits, try to see things and men as they must have seen them; make allowance for prejudice, for the manners of the age, for the vivacities of youth. When all this is done there abides an amount of wrong which is not to be palliated, not to be smiled away.
As to the weight of responsibility it was partly editorial, partly, in
each case, a question of authorship. About the editorial department there was division of
public opinion from the first. Mr. Blackwood, the
publisher, and, to all appearance,
EDITORSHIP OF “BLACKWOOD’S” | 133 |
Yet the periodical, if it began as it went on, was under the direction of Mr. Blackwood himself. “Ma Maga,” he used to call it, according to Lockhart.2 Again, in an unpublished note to Maginn, at the time of Byron’s death, Lockhart says that “Blackwood will not have it,” that is, an attack on Byron, proposed by the Irish writer, which Lockhart deprecates himself. Yet Wilson was, from the beginning, supposed by the curious to be actual editor. Thus Scott, in a letter to Sharpe of September 1817, says, “Wilson will be a spirited charioteer, or I mistake him, and take the corner with four starved authors in hand, in great style.” Assuredly neither Lockhart nor Wilson would have publicly disassociated himself from any responsibility and fixed it upon his friend alone.
For a certain brief period, in 1818, it appears, from the “Memoir of John Murray,” and from Lockhart’s own letters, that he and Wilson were actually in command of the Magazine, though, (according to Lockhart) even then with Mr. Blackwood in power behind them. The arrangement proved unworkable for many reasons: among others, I believe,
1 “Archibald Constable and his Literary Correspondents,” ii. 349. |
134 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
It thus appears that the intended editorial arrangement, like the connection with Mr. Murray, was rescinded, or rather, never “implemented,” in the Scots Law phrase. A letter of 1818 from Sir Walter to Will Laidlaw seems to confirm this theory.3 As to authorship of articles, on one point I am constrained, in fairness to Lockhart, to differ from an earlier writer. Mrs. Gordon, in her pleasing “Life of Christopher North,” her father, writes, like a good daughter, “I cannot say that I have been able to trace to his hand any instance of unmanly attack, or
1 “Memoir of John Murray,” i. 495. 2 “Christopher North,” ii. 123. 3 The letter is rather too familiar for publication. It more than bears out what Lockhart says as to Scott’s grudge, at a certain time, against Mr. Blackwood. |
MRS. GORDON’S APOLOGY | 135 |
All this is demonstrably erroneous reasoning: the facts, too, are erroneous. Mrs. Gordon had access, she says, to the arcana imperii of the house of Blackwood, only after the date 1826. To the authorship of early articles, I myself have, what Mrs. Gordon had not, the clues of statements in Lockhart’s hitherto unpublished letters. There is also internal evidence of style, no two styles being (as a rule) so easily distinguishable as the “swashing blow” of Wilson, and the rapier thrust of Lockhart. Again, in 1817-1819, Lockhart knew not one
1 “Thus it is possible his desire to review Coleridge favourably in the Edinburgh may have arisen from a wish to do justice to that great man, the opportunity for which was denied in the pages of Blackwood” (Mrs. Gordon’s note.) |
136 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
Lockhart, in the letter cited, refers to an extraordinary “bam” attempted by Wilson on Wordsworth, and much talked of in London, as having occurred during his own absence in Germany. Wilson’s conduct, in fact, is attributable to his amazing lack of consistency, his want of any “tie-beam,” as Mr. Carlyle says. Meanwhile, about Wilson’s friends, “the Lakers,” Lockhart, at twenty-three, knew nothing personally, except what Wilson told him.
WILSON AND LOCKHART | 137 |
It is needless to say more. The weight of responsibility for personal unfairness to the Lakers cannot be transferred to the shoulders of Lockhart. That excuse does Wilson injustice. A man of thirty-two would not permit “a green unknowing youth” of twenty-three to revile his personal friends in a magazine where his influence was, at least, very considerable. As Mr. Gleig wrote in a review of Mrs. Gordon’s book: “Is it conceivable that a man at the mature age of thirty-two, already known to fame as a poet and a critic, would give himself up, bound hand and foot, to the guidance of a boy?”1 It is not conceivable, and the facts were the reverse. No just critic can lay all the fault on the shoulders of the youngest person concerned, who, moreover, as a matter of fact, was innocent of the deed. Yet, young as he was, even in these days Lockhart gave proofs, as will be shown, of such a clear judgment, and sound unbiassed taste, as are not displayed by any of his comrades. His excesses are like those of a sober man who, finding himself in riotous company, conforms himself to their humour. One can imagine that, within himself, he cherished a proud disdain of the frays in which he figured, and of the work to which he lent his hand. I do not know quo numine laeso Mrs. Gordon penned her remarks on her father’s constant friend. In matters where both were culpable in their degree, be it far from me to exculpate Lockhart at the expense of his
1 Quarterly Review, vol. cxiii. (1863, p. 228). |
138 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
“They” (Lockhart’s letters) “are as characteristic of his satirical powers as any of those off-hand caricatures that shred his best friends to pieces, leaving the most poetical of them as bereft of that beautifying property as if they had been born utterly without it.” Pictorial caricature, even in the pages of Mr. Punch or elsewhere, is very seldom resented even by the most thin-skinned of mortals, and Mrs. Gordon herself publishes a caricature of her father. Lockhart, who certainly had whatever “beautifying property” a “poetical” aspect may entail, frequently “shred” himself “to pieces,” with his pencil. Mrs. Gordon’s “Life of Christopher North” has been widely read, as it deserved to be, and has been long in the field—in fact, since 1862. This remonstrance is therefore necessary. For too many years Lockhart has been made the solitary scapegoat of Wilson, and of Blackwood in general.
Lockhart, though he began so young, was, I think, a
critic eminently well equipped with learning, and, where he touched on the classics of any
language, eminently well endowed with delicacy and breadth of appreciation. But where party
prejudice came in, and contemporaries were his themes, he was no better, often, than other
literary judges of his
COLERIDGE AND JEFFREY | 139 |
“Christabel,” with “Kubla Khan,” and “The
1 Jeffrey, in a personal note to the criticism of “Biographia Literaria,” Edinburgh Review, vol. xxviii., August 1817, pp. 509-510. |
140 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
This odious critique is forgotten, perhaps because nobody could say that it “killed” Coleridge. It only killed his hopes of profit and fame (he being poor, ill, and in sad estate) from the most original compositions in the range of English literature. There is no critical vice which his Whig critic does not exhibit. With the blind eye, the deaf ear, the insensible heart, are allied gross and mean personal impudence, frequent imputations of insanity, and the wonted political rancour. An advertisement of the book mentioned that Byron had praised “Christabel” as “a wild and singularly original and beautiful poem.” Jeffrey knew that Scott was of the same mind, but the opinions of poets on poetry were nothing to him and his reviewer. “It seems,” says his man, “nowadays to be the practice of that once irritable race to laud each other without bounds; and one can hardly avoid suspecting, that what is thus lavishly advanced may be laid out with a view to being repaid with interest.” This is an elegant insinuation against Byron and Scott!
“Much of the art of the wild writers consists in sudden
transitions, opening eagerly upon some subject, and then flying from it immediately.
This indeed is known to the medical men, who not unfrequently have the care of them, as
an unerring
THE “EDINBURGH” ON “CHRISTABEL” | 141 |
“But vainly thou warrest,” |
All this Jeffrey, as Editor,
published, in mature life, in a well-established critical organ, about the
142 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
I have introduced this digression to show the style of reviewing which was current and admired, in the most celebrated critical organ of the time, when Lockhart, almost as a boy, began to review. This was the model set him by the Whig Aristarchus, “the first of British critics.” And, if Jeffrey, mature, famous, omnipotent, could put his seal on the unspeakable meanness and stupidity, personal insolence, sordid imputations, and political clap-trap of the review of “Christabel,” I ask that some lenience may be shown to political partisanship, personalities, bad taste, as displayed by a raw young Tory of twenty-three, in his remarks on poems, which no one can regard as approaching in excellence to Coleridge’s masterpiece; poems written by persons whose salt he had never eaten, whose faces he had never seen, whom he judged only by hostile rumour, or on the evidence of their own undeniable affectations.
To return from this digression:—
The Edinburgh Monthly
Magazine (not yet nominally Blackwood’s) commenced in April 1817. The Editors
were Mr. Thomas Pringle and Mr.
“THE EDINBURGH MAGAZINE” | 143 |
As a matter of fact, at least two writers used the signature “Zeta.” |
144 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
“Eyes had they, but they saw not; they had ears,
But heard not; like the shadows of a dream,
For ages did they flit upon the earth,
Rising and vanishing, and left no trace
Of wisdom, or of forethought. Their abodes
Were not of wood or stone, nor did the sun
Warm them, for then they dwelt in lightless caves.
The season’s change they knew not, when the spring
Should shed its roses, or the summer pour
Its golden fruits, or icy winter breathe
In barrenness and blackness on the year.
|
To heaven I raised their eyes, and bade them mark
The time the constellations rose and set,
By which their labours they might regulate.
I taught them numbers, letters were my gift,
By which the poet’s genius might preserve
The memory of glorious events.
. . . . .
. . . .
I was man’s saviour, but have now no power
From these degrading bonds myself to save.”
|
In the whole attitude of Prometheus the critic finds “the love of independence and the hatred of tyranny, and the unquenchable daring of a noble mind, that rendered the play the delight of the Athenians. It was the bright reflection of their own souls, and the fair image returned to them again with all the joy of self-exaltation. This was the halo that shone from heaven, and shed over the tragedy a lustre by which it was sanctioned in the eye of freedom.”
Shelley would not have thought otherwise, and in
these passages we probably discern the true self
AN EDITORIAL QUARREL | 145 |
Thus the Magazine went its way, certainly instructive to the antiquarian, for it contained original documents, and was aided by Dr. M’Crie, author of “Knox’s Life,” by Wilson, and by Sir David Brewster. But in the sixth number (Sept. 1817) appeared the announcement: “This work is now discontinued.” “The bookseller and Pringle quarrelled,” says Lockhart briefly, and Mrs. Gordon tells us, as does the author of “Hypocrisy Unveiled,” that the two editors resented Blackwood’s interference. Sharpe reports to Scott the same story in August 1817. As this was the ground of quarrel, it is unlikely that Mr. Blackwood in the new series (Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, begun in October 1817) would allow himself to be interfered with by Wilson or any one else. Meanwhile, Mr. Pringle and Mr. Cleghorn betook themselves to Mr. Constable, “offering their services as editors of a new series of the Scots Magazine, to appear under the title of The Edinburgh Magazine.”1 Blackwood remodelled his own serial, and with the October number began the war of political and personal scurrilities, at least on the side of “Ebony.” Mr. Pringle does not seem to have been very successful under the banner of Constable, and, as usual, we find Scott trying to help “a (literally)
1 We find no letters from, and no information about, Mr. Cleghorn and Mr. Pringle in the “Memoir of Archibald Constable.” |
146 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
The very first number of the new series contained three articles which illustrate at once the motiveless waywardness, the personal violence, and the boisterous humour which were to mark the periodical for years. These articles were the attack on Coleridge, the assault on Leigh Hunt, and the “Chaldee Manuscript.” To consider them, and their sequels and consequences, is practically to criticise the early history of Blackwood. In October 1817 we find Jeffrey trying to enlist Wilson under the Blue and Yellow of the Edinburgh Review. “It would appear,” says Mrs. Gordon, “that he (Wilson) had offered to review Coleridge in a friendly manner,” for Wilson was of lacustrine habits, and, at Elleray, had known the Lake poets, and all the minute politics of their settlements.
Jeffrey (October 17, 1817) evaded the review of S. T. C., preferring an article on Byron. These facts
1 I find an interesting letter of thanks from Mr. Pringle. |
COLERIDGE ATTACKED | 147 |
Possibly the motive is to be found in the end of the article. Maturin had written a tragedy, which Scott, in a letter to Terry, calls (after certain censures), “grand and powerful, the language most animated and poetical, and the characters sketched with a masterly enthusiasm.” This play was “Bertram.” Now Coleridge, in a critique (re-published in his “Biographia Literaria”), had described “Bertram” as “this superfetation of blasphemy upon nonsense, this felo de se and thief captain, this loathsome and leprous confluence of robbery, adultery, murder, and cowardly assassination, whose best deed is the having saved his betters from the degradation of hanging him, by turning Jack Ketch to himself.” “Bertram” had superseded Coleridge’s “Zapolya,” at Covent Garden.
It was thus that men like Coleridge wrote in the brave days of old! The assailant of
Coleridge, in
148 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
This attack on Coleridge in Blackwood is a fair example, not only of the violence, but of the incalculable waywardness of the Magazine. Wilson, just before the onslaught appeared, was anxious, as we saw, to praise Coleridge; Lockhart, in a very short space of time, is found applauding the author of “Christabel,” and, in later life, liked and admired him greatly. Coleridge was no Whig, no Edinburgh reviewer. Yet he was set upon and mauled, apparently in revenge for Maturin, who was “no kith or kin” to the Edinburgh Tories. The proceeding, whoever the author may have been, was characteristic.2 The vagaries of the Magazine were indeed inexplicable. Coleridge was presently taken into favour; Haydon was insulted till he was known; contributors themselves were as likely as any one else to be attacked. The chief writers, as
1 The real motive for the attack on Coleridge was too vague to be traced, and too childish to be revealed here. 2 The article was not by Lockhart; he names the author in a letter to Christie. |
BEARS IN A CHINA SHOP | 149 |
The chief enemies, while friends were insecure, were of course the Whigs,
the Edinburgh Review,
the “Cockneys,” and the opposition in the persons of Constable, Cleghorn, and Pringle. In “Peter’s Letters,” written while
the Magazine was in the flush of its unamiable youth, Lockhart speaks of the Edinburgh
Review as offering “a diet of levity and sarcastic
indifference,” as discredited in the perpetual croakings of prophecy, with
which it certainly laboured to chill the heart of England during the struggle with
Napoleon; and as tedious and odious by virtue of
its coldness in criticism. “It never praised even the highest efforts of
contemporary genius in the spirit of true and genuine earnestness. . . . They never
spoke out of the fulness of the heart, in praising any of our great living poets. . . .
Looking back now after the lapse of several years, to their accounts of many of these
poems (such as Mr. Scott’s, for example) . . .
it is quite wonderful to find in what a light and trivial vein the first notices of
them had been presented to the public by the Edinburgh Review.” Wonderful it is to read Jeffrey on Wordsworth,
150 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
The excesses, to put it mildly, of the new Magazine began with the lampoon on Coleridge in the first
number. They were followed, in the same number, by the opening attack on “The Cockney School of Poetry.” The
head of the Cockney School was Leigh Hunt, then obnoxious
to Tories as Editor of the Radical Examiner, the libeller of the Regent, the jaunty babbler about himself, his domesticities, and the young
men around him, Keats, Cornelius Webb, Hazlitt, Haydon, and many others. That they should praise
Hunt, that Hunt should praise them, that
Keats should furnish Hunt with an ivy crown,
that they should write and publish sonnets to each other, was not odd in members of a
literary “circle.” But to persons at a distance, the spectacle of such
endearments has always been irri-
KEATS ON LEIGH HUNT | 151 |
1 “Letters of John Keats,” London, 1895, p. 18. 2 This Pocket-Book was rather kindly received by Blackwood, December 1819, after the attack on Keats. The Pocket-Book contained two sonnets by Keats, signed—I.: “The Human Seasons,” and “Ailsa Rock.” “As we are anxious to bring this young writer into notice, we quote his sonnets.” For the first, “we thank Mr. Keats.” The sonnet on Ailsa Craig is “portentous folly.” It is, indeed, an exquisitely bad sonnet—
“Do not let John Keats think we dislike him, he is a young man of some poetry:” heavy banter about apothecaries follows. |
152 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
1 Keats to George Keats, January 4, 1819. Mr. Forman’s edition of “Complete Letters,” p. 242. 2 Quarterly Review, vol. xliv. p. 210. |
HUNT AND SCOTT | 153 |
The criticism is not so strong as Coleridge’s censures on “Bertram,” but it is more personal. This kind of thing went on, and was continued in a letter to Leigh Hunt, by Zeta, in the January number of 1818. Zeta, withholding his name for the present (the Examiner had called him a liar, and so forth), declares that he attacks the poet, not the man, as immoral. It was of the man, however, that Keats spoke. The “Tale of Rimini” is “a smiling apology for a crime at once horrible in its effects, and easy in its perpetration,” which can hardly be denied, if we are to be moral.
Leigh Hunt appears to have imagined a wonderful cause for
all this animosity, which, perhaps, has been sufficiently explained on general grounds. In
1810 he had edited an abortive quarterly magazine, The Reflector. In this he imitated
Suckling’s “Session of Poets,” by a piece called
“The Feast of Poets”: and
hence, he says, came “to the Tory critics of Scotland the first cause of
offence.” Hunt had “taken a dislike to
Walter Scott” for a singular reason.
Charles II. was reported to have sent Lord Mulgrave to Tangiers in a leaky ship, along with a
son of his own. In Scott’s “Life of Dryden,” he characterised this not very
probable act of the good-natured king as “ungenerous.” Hence
Leigh Hunt’s noble wrath. To avenge Lord
Mulgrave, who reached Tangiers in perfect safety, “the future
154 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
What manner of man at this time was Leigh Hunt, with his belief that Scott could let an impertinence “cling to his mind” for seven years, and then avenge it anonymously, the reader may now estimate for himself. But the worst of Hunt’s ignorance of a noble nature is, that he probably persuaded Keats to see his assailant in the most generous of men. A trace of the old incredible suspicion shows itself in Mr. Forman’s note on Keats’s text. “Mr. Dilke stated that it” (the article on “The Cockney School”) “was written by Lockhart, Scott’s son-in-law.” Now, when these articles began, Lockhart had never even met Scott in society. From the first, as the motto from Cornelius Webb shows, and as Keats himself
1 “The Autobiography of Leigh Hunt,” 1860, pp. 215-216. |
THE COCKNEY SCHOOL | 155 |
“Our talk shall be (a theme we never tire on) The Muses’ son of promise.” |
These lines, written when Keats was the unknown author of a small book of poems, not all worthy of him, and when Hunt was no nearer Shakespeare than usual, were irritating to the most lenient observer; Keats was confused by the Blackwood men with Hunt and Webb; he knew it, he expected attack, and says that, if insulted, and if he meets his enemy, “he must infallibly call him to an account” (November 5, 1817).
After the affair of “The Cockney School” (which, unluckily, had sequels), it is almost a pleasure to reach the open buffoonery and ingenuity of “The Chaldee Manuscript.” Hogg soon claimed the authorship of “The Chaldee.” “I know not what wicked genius put it into my head,” says the Shepherd.1 He adds that Blackwood never thought of publishing it, but “some of the rascals to whom he showed it almost forced him to insert it.” “There is a bouncer!” cries a reviewer of Hogg, apparently Lockhart, or possibly De Quincey, in Blackwood for August 1821, and he goes on—
1 “The Mountain Bard.” Third edition. To which is prefixed a Memoir of the Author’s Life, p. 65. |
156 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
“THE CHALDEE” | 157 |
“After this plain statement Hogg must look extremely foolish. We shall next have him claiming the murder likewise, I suppose; but he is totally incapable of either.”
Professor Ferrier, in his edition of “Noctes Ambrosianæ,” does not wholly bear out the statements either of Hogg or of this writer. Hogg, he says, conceived the idea, and wrote, in addition to unpublished portions, Chapter I. i.-xxxvii., with two or three other verses. “The rest of the production was the workmanship of Wilson and Lockhart.”
As to the authorship of “The Chaldee,” habemus confitentem reum. On January 27, 1818, Lockhart wrote from Edinburgh to Christie, “I never certainly have been more troubled in mind than for some two or three months past,”—apparently since Blackwood appeared on October 20, 1817. “The Chaldee Manuscript” has excited prodigious noise here—it was the sole subject of conversation for two months. . . . The history of it is this: Hogg, the Ettrick Shepherd, sent up an attack on Constable the bookseller, respecting some private dealings of his with Blackwood. Wilson and I liked the idea of introducing the whole panorama of the town in that sort of dialect. We drank punch one night from eight till eight in the morning, Blackwood being by with anecdotes, and the result is before you. . . .”
158 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
“The Chaldee” set all Edinburgh in a flame. The Scot is not famed for being able to take a joke, especially a joke aimed at himself. People cried “Blasphemy,” because of the Oriental character of the style, which had good Jacobite precedent in “The Chronicle of Charles, the Young Man,” published in that year of grace abounding 1745.1 The “Chaldean” text was from the “Bibliothèque Royale” (Salle 2, No. 53, B.A.M.M.).2 Monsieur Silvestre de Sacy (of whom the Shepherd can have known little) was understood to be occupied with an edition of the original.
It may not be superfluous to give a very brief analysis of “The Chaldee.” Blackwood “is a man in plain apparel,” has “his name as it had been the colour of Ebony, and his number (17 Princes Street) was the number of a maiden, when the days of her virginity have expired.” To him come the Two Beasts (Pringle and Cleghorn, ex-editors), “the joints of their legs like the polished cedars of Lebanon,” for, indeed, “they came skipping upon staves,” being lame. They brought a book, “but put no words into it.” Mr. Blackwood, therefore, called together his friends, while “the man who was crafty in council” received overtures from the Beasts. This word, crafty, annoyed Constable, as the nickname had been given to him, says Lockhart, “by one of his own most eminent Whig supporters.”
1 The respectable Southey had already written a very dull Biblical parody on Jeffrey. Here was precedent! 2 Whereby is indicated bam or bite. |
THE GREAT MAGICIAN | 159 |
“The great Magician, who dwelleth in the old fortress hard by the river Jordan” was next appealed to. Sir Walter was très Normand, and gave identical answers to the man in plain apparel, and to the man crafty in council. “He afterwards confessed,” says Lockhart, “that the Chaldæan author had given a sufficiently accurate version of what passed on the occasion.” Then came Professor Jamieson, Sir David Brewster, Tytler the historian, and, alas, Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe! Now Sharpe, at or about this time, was editing Kirkton’s contemporary MS. “History of the Covenant,” with notes on all the scandals about the Covenanters, for example, about the prowess of the hero of Cherrytrees. Wilson had a leaning to Covenanters, Lockhart’s ancestors had been “Whigs frae Bothwell Brig,” and their fellow-contributor,
1 Letter to Constable, October 8, 1818, in “Archibald Constable,” ii. 339. |
160 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
In “The
Chaldee” a Veiled Man now aids Blackwood with a list of names of contributors, “the beautiful
Leopard from the valley of the palm trees” (Wilson), and “from a far country, the Scorpion, who delighteth to
sting the faces of men” (Lockhart),
“and the great wild Boar from the Forest of Lebanon” (which men call
Ettrick Forest); “and the Griffin came with a roll of the names of those whose
blood had been shed between his teeth; and I saw him stand over the body of one that
had been buried long in the grave, defending it from all men.” The Griffin is
the Rev. Dr. Thomas M’Crie, the Biographer of
MANY BEASTS | 161 |
“The Chaldee” ends—
“And I fled into an inner chamber to hide myself, and I heard a
great tumult, but I wist not what it was.” A great tumult arose in little
Edinburgh, “no end of public emotion.” Legal proceedings were
threatened; private wergild was paid
162 | LIFE OF J. G. LOCKHART. |
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